Struggling euro-zone
economies like Greece, Portugal, Spain and Italy cannot cut their way back to
growth. Demanding rigid austerity from them as the price of European support
has lengthened and deepened their recessions. It has made their debts harder,
not easier, to pay off. Τhis
is not an issue of philosophical debate. The numbers are in.
As The Times’s Landon
Thomas Jr. reported this week,
Portugal has met every demand from the European
Union and the International Monetary Fund. It has cut wages
and pensions, slashed public spending and raised taxes. Those steps have
deepened its recession, making it even less able to repay its debts. When it
received a bailout last May, Portugal’s ratio of debt to gross domestic product
was 107 percent. By next year, it is expected to rise to 118 percent. That
ratio will continue to rise so long as the economy shrinks. That is, indeed,
the very definition of a vicious circle.
Meanwhile, shrinking
demand and fears of a contagious collapse keep pushing more European countries
toward the danger zone of unsustainable debt.
Why are Europe’s
leaders so determined to deny reality? Chancellor Angela
Merkel of Germany and President Nicolas
Sarkozy of France,
in particular, seem unable to admit that they got this wrong. They are still
captivated by the illogical but seductive notion that every country can emulate
Germany’s export-driven model without the decades of public investment and
artificially low exchange rates that are crucial to Germany’s success.
Mrs. Merkel also
seems determined to pander to the prejudices of German voters who believe that
suffering is the only way to purge Greece and other southern European countries
of their profligate ways.
There’s no question
that Greece has behaved inexcusably, spending more than it could afford,
failing to collect taxes from some of its richest citizens and fudging its
books. And while we sympathize with Greek protests against
excessive austerity, we have no patience with politicians who
continue to drag their feet over pro-growth reforms and privatizations. But the
cure is neither collective punishment nor induced recession. Europe must be
willing to help Greece grow out of its problems — on the condition that Greek
politicians finally commit themselves to market reforms.
Under strong pressure
from international investors, euro-zone leaders have recently adjusted some of
their policies. Europe’s central bank has
injected much needed liquidity into the Continent’s banking system.
Plans are finally under way to add money to a chronically underfinanced
European Union bailout fund. But until they abandon the mistaken belief that
austerity is the way to debt relief, even those steps won’t be enough.
With Greece rapidly
approaching the day (probably next month) when it can no longer pay government
salaries and foreign creditors, Europe still has not released needed bailout
money. It is not clear whether Mrs. Merkel and Mr. Sarkozy and others are
playing chicken with Athens or think they could withstand Greece defaulting and
leaving the euro zone. The risks are enormous.
At a minimum, a Greek
default would send damaging aftershocks rippling through government finances
and banks across Europe. The ideal and the practice of a united Europe would
suffer a major blow. Those are high prices for all of Europe to pay for
clinging to a failed idea.

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